This article is a sequel to my previous publication about Seattle’s zoning history.
Wallingford, on Seattle’s near north side, could fool a passerby for a suburb, with its predominance of large single-family homes, few pedestrians, and quaint squeak of a commercial strip on a few blocks of its main drag on 45th Street.
In my previous article I provided a guided tour through Seattle’s last 120 years of city planning decisions, culminating in its current housing shortage. It’s a story of a myriad of seemingly tiny, innocuous choices—downzones, height restrictions, larger setback requirements, and escalating parking regulations—that together have strangled housing choice in the city, and inflamed prices to unprecedented levels. It’s a story, unfortunately, that’s typical of zoning history across Cascadia and beyond.
In this article, to make things even more concrete and specific, I’ll take a look at the history of a single Seattle neighborhood: Wallingford. Sightline profiled its housing history more extensively and visually in an earlier article, too, but here I highlight a few additional turning points, including how certain residents have taken an active part in that community’s evolution.
Erasing diversity: how Wallingford became single-family in two decades
Wallingford, on Seattle’s near north side, could fool a passerby for a suburb, with its predominance of large single-family homes, few pedestrians, and quaint squeak of a commercial strip on a few blocks of its main drag on 45th Street. If not for the nearby views of Lake Union and downtown Seattle, one might forget she was in a city at all. And a handful of folks in Wallingford have lobbied over time for precisely that effect.
But it wasn’t always this way. Much of the neighborhood fell within the 1923 second residence district (read about this zoning history in my previous article), permitting any type of multi-family dwelling, usually with a maximum height of 40 feet. As late as 1939, one in ten residential structures in Wallingford was a multi-family home. Duplexes, triplexes, rowhouses, and apartment buildings laced the neighborhood streets south of North 39th Street and west of Meridian Avenue.
Between 1957 and 1960, the city downzoned large swaths of Seattle’s second residence districts, including those in Wallingford, to more restrictive zoning types. City planners took a pen to the Wallingford zoning map, slashing housing flexibility by downzoning most of the neighborhood’s second residence zones to a newly created residential duplex zone—a half-step between single- and multi-family zoning that permitted only single-family homes, duplexes, and a few triplexes—or the even more restrictive single-family zone.
By the early 1970s, the multi-family and duplex options of Wallingford were proving attractive to students and others affiliated with the nearby University of Washington, and some builders began buying local homes to convert into more of this in-demand housing type. Wallingford homeowners were not pleased: they organized themselves and successfully lobbied the city to further downzone the remaining duplex zones in their neighborhood to strictly single-family.
A small minority builds the neighborhood’s walls
Two decades later in the 1990s the City of Seattle began implementing its urban village strategy, intended to create pockets of density, and more housing options, in neighborhoods throughout the city. The city proposed urban village plans for several neighborhoods across the city and each neighborhood had a chance to submit its proposed amendments to the city’s plan. A select group of Wallingford residents, and especially members of the Wallingford Community Council (WCC), were the driving force behind shaping the Wallingford Neighborhood Plan. Their input focused, almost entirely, on restricting any type of housing beyond single-family homes to a small share of the neighborhood’s total area. Though the plan recommended adopting, and even slightly expanding, the city’s proposed urban village boundaries for the neighborhood, it placed enormous emphasis on making absolutely no changes to areas zoned single-family within the new urban village (see page 22), a land use that runs completely contradictory to the intended purpose of the villages. In addition, the neighborhood’s plan suggested the area may need a future downzone of some of the commercial land in the urban village (see pages 22-23). In other words, the neighborhood would accept the city’s urban village boundary proposal so long as it didn’t touch any single-family neighborhoods.
Notably, less than one percent of Wallingford’s population counted as “very active participants” in the community’s plan development process. This trend appears to continue in the neighborhood today. WCC’s board currently skews overwhelmingly to homeowners and has been accused of active prejudice against renters. It has come out vocally against the city’s Housing Affordability and Livability Agenda (HALA), even its modest moves to increase the diversity of housing options in Seattle, like allowing more ADUs. One of its board members even penned the argument against the city’s Housing Levy for the 2016 Voters Guide (which passed, and by its largest margin ever).
In short, in 60 years the neighborhood went from one that was open to housing the diversity of Seattle residents, to one of the most exclusive neighborhoods in the city, where the median single-family home is valued at just south of $1 million. The process, egged on by incumbent homeowner interests representing a minority of the neighborhood’s residents, came in the form of incremental downzones, setback increases, height reductions, parking requirements, and other measures. All of these are subtle but cruelly effective tools in developing and preserving exclusive communities, especially in the face of clearly increasing need for homes—of many types and sizes and price points—across a growing city.
Where to from here?
Just last year the WCC submitted a proposed amendment to Seattle’s Comprehensive Plan to remove fully half of the present urban village, safeguarding it as single-family zoning. In the map below, adapted from the WCC’s 2017 urban village amendment application, the red dotted line shows the WCC’s 2017 proposed new urban village boundary. Zoning colors show current zoning of the neighborhood, with light yellow indicating single-family zoning.
In effect, this proposal would shrink the existing urban village boundary, reducing the already constrained development capacity of the area, and creating more significant edge effects of single-family on denser multi-family zones. Two other Seattle neighborhoods submitted similar proposals in 2017 to shrink or downzone their urban villages, thereby minimizing any impacts from city-wide upzone plans: the West Seattle Junction (page 7), and the Morgan Junction neighborhood (page 295). These requests shouldn’t be surprising; they are history repeating itself: zoning restrictions lobbied for by a select few that confine the lives, space, and opportunities of countless people.
At present, Seattle’s Office of Planning and Community Development has not recommended that the city adopt these proposed amendments. But the city’s proposed zoning changes via HALA also don’t do much to restore the city’s once vibrant, flexible housing environment. For example, though the HALA plan proposes upzoning land within Wallingford’s existing urban village boundary to some of the more flexible zoning types for which these villages were intended (a two decade delayed fulfillment of the urban village plan), it does nothing to expand the village and continues to privilege the rest of the neighborhood as strictly single-family. In fact, the HALA plan leaves 94 percent of the city’s single-family zones entirely untouched.
The map below shows the city’s current proposed plan for upzoning Wallingford’s urban village. Though it includes significant upzones within the urban village—indicated by the hash marks—it leaves the vast majority of the neighborhood, everything outside the 1994 urban village boundary, untouched. Almost all of this land is zoned single-family, indicated by the light yellow shading, a land use scheme far less flexible than what used to exist in the neighborhood.
How to create a welcoming city
This is the profile of just one neighborhood, but it’s a pattern that has prevailed in many other areas of Seattle—and of other Cascadian cities—as well, resulting in month-over-month increases in home costs and rent, readily documented in countless local headlines.
As it stands now, the city’s zoning code is an exercise in opportunity hoarding: keeping the opportunities of Cascadia’s largest city available for only the lucky few who have been able to find—and afford—one of the limited spots in the city.
In Seattle, those opportunities range from attending world-class universities and colleges to perhaps finding one’s first $15-an-hour job; from joining a community where one might for the first time feel safe to express her true gender or sexuality to finding a new home and corresponding food and customs among fellow immigrants from one’s same home country; from going car-free and opting instead for Seattle’s expanding transit and bike-share options to learning a new outdoor sport or going camping for the first time within a short drive or bus ride from the city limits; from raising a family among a wealth of diverse neighbors and other families to visiting art and history museums or attending live music any night of the week.
Of course, those are just a handful of the opportunities that Seattle represents to those lucky enough to call it home. And when policies unreasonably restrict the kinds or numbers of homes permitted in the city’s neighborhoods, those policies restrict countless people—current residents and hopeful ones—from sharing in the wealth and potential of those opportunities.
HALA’s Mandatory Housing Affordability proposed upzones would produce a nominal increase in allowed development for thousands of units of affordable housing, but 94 percent of the city’s single family zones contribute nothing to MHA, a massive inequity. Instead, Seattle could should look to the flexibility and ingenuity of the pre-1923 land use code: one that required safety but allowed Seattleites to build the housing that suited them.
This article was adapted for Sightline Institute by Serena Larkin and Sightline senior research associate Margaret Morales from three original articles by Seattle dad, designer, and writer Mike Eliason. Find his originals here, here, and here, and find Mike on Twitter at @bruteforceblog.
Notes on Methods
To calculate the percentage of Wallingford zoned for single-family we used the city’s formula. This is equal to the total single-family parcel acres divided by total parcel acres in the neighborhood of all zones plus park acreage.
BK
Thanks for this informative (if distressing) rundown on the history of my neighborhood. Unfortunately the narrowing isn’t just a thing of the distant past. We live in the area between Stone-Wallingford and 45th-50th that may be restored to multi-family zoning (yay!) but some want to remove from the urban village instead.
True story:
– Fourteen years ago we had no idea our part of Wallingford was (down)zoned Single Family 5,000. (Many lots as small as 2,500SF; grandfathered duplexes and rowhouses around – this was a feature, not a bug).
– Our house is split lot infill which some neighbors lobbied to prevent from being built. Fortunately, they didn’t succeed, so now we have 1 house on 1,500SF (the original) and ours in 2,500SF instead of one house on 4,000SF of expensive land (NB: we could afford more land, we just didn’t want more land).
– Unfortunately since then the Council made our house illegal to build today (too rectangular or something). (NB: if we were in the market today and we couldn’t get the home we wanted with small lot infill, we’d buy an existing house and tear it down).
– A number of years ago when a neighbor’s gut job came up for sale we might have bought it as we have relatives who are renters and landlording in lieu of full rent would have been a win-win. But it wouldn’t work without turning it into at least 3 units – illegal at the time (and still).
– Even under the new ADU proposals the lot is considered too small, despite the fact that the back half of the downstairs could become an ADU with 0 exterior changes (and we have 2 off street parking spaces + parking in front of the apron for 3)
– Within the same envelope we could split the house into 3 1,000SF 2 BR apartments – something we’d very much consider when we wind up downsizing; currently the city’s MHA scheme, if it is allowed at all, would require us to pay something like $30-$40k to do this , which is of course totally backwards: we ought to encourage more, smaller, cheaper homes rather than renting or selling to one household with a much bigger budget.
If you want to get involved creating a more Welcoming Wallingford Google the phrase!
Greg Flood
I am surprised that Sightline would publish this article without checking the sources. It seems obvious that Mike did not live in Seattle during the time that these events were happening and is filtering his view of history through a severe bias toward the City’s HALA proposals.
I guess I do not understand how “UW sprawl” is good, but “urban sprawl” is bad. The UW has always had a somewhat predatory attitude toward its neighbors. It seems perfectly sensible to encourage density in the U-District before allowing the UW to assimilate adjacent neighborhoods like Ravenna and Wallingford. I know plenty of professors, staff and students that live in the single-family homes, shared or as family housing, in Wallingford and Ravenna.
The commercial strip along 45th has not developed due to those that own the properties, not due to the residents. Wallingford has encouraged commercial development through the WCC and through the Chamber of Commerce.
Reference to “downzoning” in the late 1950s was adopted by the City, according to Mike, not at the request of the residents. Then, as now, there is strong interest in ownership opportunity. HALA does little to remedy the shortage of ownership opportunity, focusing instead on incentivizing real estate investment firm construction of more rental units, which is overbuilt and moving more toward a surplus.
Mike’s reference to his friend Doug Trumm’s run for the WCC Board adopts Trumm’s unsubstantiated claim of not being successful due to being a renter (even though there was no litmus test and no one knew) rather than that he stated that he had not attended any WCC Meetings, had no experience in neighborhood issues and was running against another candidate that did attend meetings, led several volunteer projects, and understood the issues facing the council. Mike might want to consider that the reason there are more homeowners on community councils is because renters choose not to participate unless they are on the Board.
It is also seems obvious that Mike did not participate in the Neighborhood Planning process of the 1990s as well. The process was actually very well-attended with a very wide range of suggestions considered as a means to accommodate increased density. The process was run by a consultant provided by the City. The goal differed from that the City is doing currently with HALA in that we strove to accommodate density without creating adverse impacts to the elements that make each neighborhood of Seattle a unique and special place.
Also, Mike has adopted the recent redefinition of the urban village concept promoted by City Hall to support HALA. In the 1990s, the urban villages were defined as the areas of each neighborhood where growth was anticipated to occur naturally under existing zoning and to provide guidance to the City on where to provide funding for amenities needed to mitigate the adverse impacts to neighborhoods caused by the increased density.
Understand, at the time, existing zoning could accommodate all anticipate growth from five to seven times over. Wallingford can still accommodate anticipated growth with no change to zoning three to five times over. Also understand that HALA is not about creating duplex and triplex, which many resident support. Instead it will incentivize reduction of ownership stock in favor of tiny, single-occupant, rental units.
I understand Mike’s interest in wanting to improve affordability. However, it is not necessary to demonize current residents. Consider that resistance to HALA is likely seated in the fact that it is an incredibly flawed proposal that favors profit over affordability. We could easily accommodate density without adverse impacts by increasing the number of ownership units within a building envelope with the same size, bulk, setbacks, and lot coverage as the current single-family standard.
Sarajane Siegfriedt
Thank you, Greg! A good editor is needed. Lose the exaggerated adjectives. Sightline really needs to get its bias in check to retain/regain its credibility. How about an article about the shortcomings of the MHA? Does one size really fit all?
michael eliason
The city didn’t downzone in the 1950s randomly. There were specific demands from single family homeowners in the 50s. A quick search of the Seattle Times database verifies this. Cities don’t normally do things like restrict land use randomly and without resident input.
I know who Doug is – we’ve met maybe twice. I know several WCC members, some of whom are renters, who could attest to the toxic, anti-tenant/anti-housing attitudes prevalent on the board. Claiming that renters ‘choose not to participate’ in a forum that is openly hostile to them and towards affordable housing is… frustrating but not surprising, and *entirely* representative of why community councils do not represent neighborhoods. Wallingford is over 60% renter, and the average age is under 35. What percent of the WCC board are renters?
Shelterforce stated 12,000 were involved in neighborhood planning. Seattle’s population was 530,000 at the time – so less than 2.5% (just 1.6% of today’s population) determining where and how expensive new housing must be to be near them is – ‘well attended’?!? Neighborhood planning w/ an RSJ lens and an honest appraisal of the effects of exclusionary zoning would have looked *significantly* different. https://shelterforce.org/1999/11/01/seattle-neighborhood-planning/
Speaking of ownership opportunities – both RSL and the proposed backyard cottage liberalization would allow vastly more ownership opportunities for struggling families – ones like mine, middle class, union job, with kids – when we can’t afford million dollar homes. And more importantly, those less fortunate than we are. Could you remind me again where the classist WCC came down on those issues? Here’s a reminder as you seem to have forgotten: https://www.wallingfordcc.org/backyard-cottages/
Knute Berger
Why have there been single story commercial buildings along 45th street for decades? It would seem that these properties should have been redeveloped into denser housing if the demand existed. Instead, we got a new CVS next to Bartell Drugs.
Morgan
Well, there’s Suzy Burke as one explanation for some of those blocks. As for the CVS, my faint recollection is that the builder wanted another level or more and was not allowed. Whatever the story, that building is dead weight to a more walkable neighborhood.
Donn
No housing over the CVS on N 45th, because the owners didn’t want to be bothered with residential tenants. In the story – from a long time member of the dread community council (which has had renters on the board, off and on, and is not in the least anti-renter) – he speculates that the builder could move forward with a remodel, and that’s what happened.
https://blog.seattlepi.com/wallingford/2013/11/13/wallingford-cvs-project-takes-a-tumble/
Anjali Grant
One interesting aspect of the 1960 maps is the neighborhood corner stores on Wallingford and 37th, 40th. I love these little buildings sprinkled throughout our Seattle neighborhoods.
michael eliason
anjali,
agreed! many of them are leftovers from the ‘zoning as snapshot’ of existing conditions of the 1923 comp plan, on which they’re super visible graphically: http://clerk.seattle.gov/~F_archives/maps/high/458.jpg
unfortunately, we don’t allow many cornerstores today. we need a 4 floors and corner stores movement.
Birdy
There are a lot of untruths and rumors in this article. Too bad Sightline didn’t insist on fact checking.
Morgan
I do appreciate that it’s hard to walk away from a standing feud with the inner-ring neighborhoods, but I recommend a look-see a little further out for those who wish to have an impact.
I’ve been spending an unusually high amount of time in way-north Seattle, way above 90th, and the opportunities for redevelopment, affordable housing, and walkability improvements are outrageously more fertile than down in the core.
Within a short walk to Rapid Ride and the approaching Link openings are vast swaths of large yards and single floor homes prime for a lift and an ADU. I haven’t looked at the recent round of zoning proposals beyond my neighborhood, but my guess is that it’s soft.
All that aside, I’m disappointed how ineffective (possibly anti-effective) the pro-density language has been at conveying the true intentions and impacts of baby-step upzones. Just walk around Wallingford and take a look at the yard signs, and you might better appreciate how twisted the message has been received and how upside down residents think about housing economics. You’d think that RSL and LR3 were the same thing.
Chris
I have always looked at Wallingford as one of the most desirable neighborhoods in the city. Most livable, most walkable, nicest, basically. It’s pretty sad that “urbanists” feel compelled to make claims about how bad it is. We need more neighborhoods like Wallingford, not fewer.
BK
We need to more neighborhoods like the parts of Wallingford-as-built-pre-modern-zoning everywhere. But all the 2,500SF – 4,500SF lots and the mixture of duplexes and other forms of housing besides single family has been made illegal in most of Wallingford by downzoning.
Most urbanists think the parts of Wallingford-as-built-pre-modern-zoning are awesome. So we want to legalize them (and re-legalize it in Wallingford itself, so, for example, single-family teardowns aren’t limited by law to becoming nothing but $1.5M+ homes for one rich family but rather might also be ‘plexes for folks with smaller budgets).